National
identity is neither a trivial concept, nor can it be boiled down to one or two
events or sources. It is a combination
of characteristics like language, a common history, culture, religion and a
name that binds a people together; however, no one of these characteristics belong
to just one nation. One interesting case study is the Macedonian national
identity. The country shares a common history with most of the formerly
Yugoslavian countries. The Former Yugoslavian Republic of Macedonia (FYR) shares
an almost identical language with Serbia and Montenegro, a main Orthodox
religion with these same Slavic nations, and it even shares its name with the
second largest province in Greece (Encyclopedia Britannica, 2016). The
Macedonian flag also comes from a Greek archeological artifact from the same
Greek province (Smith, 2013). With the Albanian minority being a large factor
in the current government coalition and Albanian recently being established as
a second official language, almost none of the elements that normally make up
national identity are unique to FYR Macedonia (Balkan Service, 2019). It could
even be argued that with all these similarities, Macedonia does not have its
own distinct national identity. Because of many similar countries packed into a
small peninsula and all bound together by a similar history, distinct national
identities can only be formed around intersections of many similar traits; the
combination of which are unique only to the nation.
On the surface,
Macedonian national identity seems to center itself around both the name
Macedonia, and the language, Macedonian, but after a closer examination, those
cannot be the only two factors. With the 28-year name dispute between FYR
Macedonia and Greece coming to a potential end, FYR Macedonia’s new constitutional
name will be “The Republic of North Macedonia” once it has been recognized by
all NATO countries after Greece voted to accept the new name in a vote earlier
this week (Labropoulou,
2019).
This would allow “North Macedonia” to join both the EU and NATO which is FYR
Macedonia’s largest benefit from changing its name (Labropoulou, 2019). Additionally,
the recent uproar with Albanian being added as a second official language of FYR
Macedonia shows signs of language being a strong bond that holds the Macedonian
nation together as Albanian is different than Macedonian. However, as multiple
countries around Macedonia speak almost identical languages, and Greece has
claimed the name Macedonia for longer than FYR Macedonia, we know that these
two cannot be the main bounds of national identity.
Following
this realization, one could ask if Macedonians even have a national identity.
There does not seem to be one distinct national trait unique to ethnic
Macedonians alone. Though this is a valid point, if the question asked could be
answered by that point alone, it would remain unclear why ethnic Macedonians have
disputed so long over a minor change to their name and allowing secondary
official languages. However, if one considers that the Macedonian national identity
revolves around the intersection of otherwise non-distinct traits, the above to
questions are answered. Given Macedonian identity relies on so many different components
of life, an attempt to change any single one of these components becomes an
attempt to change the entire Macedonian identity. The Macedonians see the
addition of Albanian as an official language as paramount to setting the Albanian
minority as equally important as the Macedonian majority. The name change is
additionally seen as acknowledging that Greece contains the real “Macedonia”. The
years preceding the changes this year were manifestations of scared Macedonians,
worried about losing their identity as a people, and being overcome by both the
outside and in. The one surprisingly result of all this is how infrequently
Macedonians villainize the Greeks.
Despite
the Greek dispute with Macedonia over their name, Macedonians show very few
signs of “othering” the Greeks. During times when many Greeks were protesting
the Macedonian name change, the Macedonians were more worried about their
internal significant other -- the Albanians -- and were protesting the language
change as well (Al Jazeera, 2019). Macedonia also changed their flag to appease
the Greeks after initially choosing the starburst, a historic Greek cultural
symbol, for their flag (Smith, 2013). Though the Greeks have been othering the
Macedonians, the same has not been returned. This shows that FYR Macedonia does
not view Greece as either a territorial or cultural threat. However, both
changing their flag and their name to appease Greece shows that Macedonia views
Greece as a necessary evil to be dealt with in order for Macedonia to join
international organizations. Conversely, ethnic Macedonians strongly “other”
one of their internal ethnic minorities.
Ethnic
Albanians in Macedonia have a tense history. Macedonia accepted hundreds of thousands
of Albanian refugees in the 1990’s due to the conflict in Kosovo (UNHCR, 2004).
Supporting these refugees hindered the Macedonian economy and caused ethnic
tensions as Albanians asked for more and more concessions (UNHCR, 2004). After
some of the Albanian protests turned violent, and into riots due to both extremist
Albanian groups and overly aggressive police officers, casualties occurred on
both sides (UNHCR, 2004). Though NATO sent troops to stabilize Macedonia, due
to the continued flux of refugees, and the lack of compromise on either side,
conflicts continued to erupt for years (UNHCR, 2004). This culminated with terrorist
attacks from an Albanian separatist group, and by military retaliation by the
Macedonian government (UNHCR, 2004).
Though
this conflict was resolved in the early 2000’s, the tensions never fully
subsided. This has led to Albanians becoming an internal other for the ethnic
Macedonians. This is shown in current events by massive protests both when the
first ethnically Albanian Speaker of the Parliament was chosen, and when
Albanian was added as a second language (Al Jazeera, 2019). Albanians both
posed a threat to territorial integrity and are currently seen as a threat on
the cultural unity of FYR Macedonia. It likely will take much time before the
tensions from the dispute will subside, and Albanians will likely remain a significant
other of ethnic Macedonians for the coming years.
Through
many facets, these smaller Balkan countries may seem almost identical, but these
intersections create a national identity. They created a strong enough identity
to cause FYR Macedonia and the other former Yugoslavian countries to break away
from each other regardless of the bloodshed that was caused. It is the same
national identity that has caused large surges of nationalism, to both preserve
the Macedonian name, and to refuse to give large concessions to the minority
group, the Albanians. The intersections make Macedonia its own unique country and
nation amongst similar neighbors in the Balkans.
Reference
list
Allcock, J. B., & Lampe,
J. R. (2018, November 16). Yugoslavia. In Encyclopædia
Britannica online. Retrieved
January 25, 2019, from https://www.britannica.com/place/Yugoslavia-former-federated-nation-1929-2003
Al
Jazeera. (2019, January 20). Thousands protest in Athens against Macedonia name
change. Retrieved from https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/01/thousands-protests-athens-macedonia-change-190120133516993.html
Balkan
Service. (2019, January 15). Macedonia's Albanian-language bill becomes law.
Retrieved from https://www.rferl.org/a/macedonia-s-albanian-language-bill-becomes-law/29711502.html
Macedonian
language. (2016, March 17). In Encyclopædia Britannica online. Retrieved from https://www.britannica.com/topic/Macedonian-language
Labropoulou, E.
(2019, January 25). Macedonia will change its name. Here's why it matters.
Retrieved from https://edition.cnn.com/2019/01/25/europe/macedonia-name-change-controversy-intl/index.html
Okov,
S. (2019, January 28). Republic of Macedonia’s opposition seeks to dissolve parliament.
Retrieved from https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2019-01-28/rep-macedonian-party-seeks-to-dissolve-parliament-as-nato-looms
Ortakovski,
V. T. (2001). Interethnic Relations and Minorities in the Republic of
Macedonia. Southeast European Politics, 2(1), 24-45. Retrieved from
http://www.seep.ceu.hu/issue21/ortakovski.pdf
Prifti, P. R. (2019, January
11). Albania. In
Encyclopædia Britannica online. Retrieved from https://www.britannica.com/place/Albania/Collapse-of-communism
Smith,
W. (2013, November 03). Flag of Macedonia. In Encyclopædia Britannica online. Retrieved
from https://www.britannica.com/topic/flag-of-Macedonia#ref948157
CIA. (2018, February 01). The World Factbook:
Macedonia. Retrieved January 15, 2019, from https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/mk.html
Triandafyllidou, A. (1998). National identity
and the ‘other’. Ethnic and Racial
Studies, 21(4), 593-612.
UNHCR. (2004). Chronology for Albanians in
Macedonia. Retrieved from https://www.refworld.org/docid/469f38b7a.html
VOA
News. (2019, January 19). Greeks plan massive rally to protest deal with Macedonia.
Retrieved from https://www.voanews.com/a/greeks-plan-massive-rally-to-protest-deal-with-macedonia/4749977.html
Comments
Post a Comment